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Trump’s three-state attack overstates a mixed economic record

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California, Illinois and New York face real strains. But growth, jobs and population figures do not support a shared story of decline caused by Democrats.

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New York led US states in economic growth in the second quarter of 2026, while unemployment fell over the year to September in both New York and California. Those results undercut Donald Trump’s blanket claim that Democrats have ruined those states and Illinois, although they do not erase serious poverty and fiscal pressures. [2] [3]

In a Truth Social post on 21 October 2026, preserved by the Trump’s Truth archive, the president wrote: “The Democrats have run California, Illinois, and New York into the ground!” He named no measure or period for that verdict. [1]

Democrats currently hold the governorship and both legislative chambers in all three states, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. That establishes who holds state power, but does not by itself establish the effects of their policies. [7]

The attack came 13 days before the 3 November congressional elections. Minutes later, Trump announced a South Carolina rally for that evening. Earlier in the campaign, White House spokeswoman Olivia Wales told the Associated Press that an August California visit would “draw a sharp contrast” with Democrats including Governor Gavin Newsom. [8] [9] [10]

Growth does not settle the argument

The Bureau of Economic Analysis put New York’s inflation-adjusted output growth at an annualised 4.0% in the second quarter, against 2.2% nationwide. Finance and insurance contributed most to the state’s increase. [2]

Labour-market figures published on 20 October put September’s seasonally adjusted unemployment rate at 5.1% in California, 4.6% in Illinois and 4.3% in New York, compared with 4.2% nationwide. California was down from 5.5% a year earlier and New York from 4.6%; Illinois was little changed from 4.5%. September’s state estimates are preliminary. [3]

California also added 129,300 non-farm payroll jobs over the year, a 0.7% increase. Yet its labour force — people working or seeking work — shrank by about 1.9%. The two series are based on different surveys and count different things: jobs and people. A lower unemployment rate is therefore not the whole labour-market story. [3]

Nor can one quarter’s output growth settle the long-term record of a state government or show how prosperity is distributed.

Serious pressures remain

The Census Bureau’s Supplemental Poverty Measure put California’s three-year average rate at 17.8% for 2023–25, compared with 13.0% nationwide. New York was also above the national rate. This measure accounts for benefits, taxes, necessary expenses and geographic differences in housing costs. [5]

The hardship is not confined to states now under Democratic control. Louisiana’s rate was 19.0%, while Florida also exceeded the national figure. Both currently have Republican governors and Republican-controlled legislatures. [5] [7]

Census population estimates show a longer-term weakness, but different recent trajectories. By July 2025, all three states had populations about 0.5% to 1% below their April 2020 baselines. Illinois and New York nevertheless grew slightly in the preceding year, while California’s population fell by 9,465 out of about 39.4 million. Total population changes reflect births, deaths and migration, not simply people moving between states. [4]

California’s budget presents a concrete fiscal warning. The Legislative Analyst’s Office describes a projected $18.5 billion operating deficit in the 2026–27 plan, even though the enacted budget is balanced. Balances carried forward help cover spending that the year’s revenues cannot. Planned General Fund spending is about $251.5 billion, with combined General Fund reserves forecast at $19.6 billion by year-end. [6]

Those finances reflect state choices as well as wider pressures. The budget adds $5.7 billion in new discretionary spending, mostly one-off. The LAO also describes volatile tax receipts linked to reliance on high-income taxpayers, alongside costs from federal Medicaid and food-assistance changes and the state’s response. [6]

Taken together, the economic and demographic record supports scrutiny of specific problems and decisions. It does not substantiate Trump’s sweeping account of three states ruined by Democrats.

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