News Made Clear · Loading…
AI ANALYSIS & OPINION
Editorial illustrationThe US arms industry is delivering more, but stockpiles of missile interceptors in particular are under pressure. Restoring them could take years. Trump’s promise of abundance fails to recognise that being able to keep attacking is not the same as maintaining sufficient protection and reserves.
AI translation of the original article. Independent human translation review is pending. Read the original
Review information is loading.
An army does not have to have fired its last missile to have an ammunition problem. It can strike today while using up the reserves it needs for the next war.
On 22 September, Donald Trump stated that the United States had more ammunition than would be needed for any conceivable use and was building up its stockpiles at unprecedented levels. That reassurance obscures the very distinction between being able to strike and retaining sufficient reserves. [1]
According to an estimate by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), the US Congress’s budget office, since June 2025 the United States has probably used between half and two-thirds of its combined stockpile of the missile interceptors examined: Patriot, THAAD, SM-3 and SM-6. This percentage does not apply to all US ammunition and is not necessarily the same for each of these types. These are, however, weapons that protect US and allied targets against incoming missiles. [3]
This is not a count of what is in the depots. The office compared reported consumption with historical purchases. The US defence authorities do not make stockpile figures public and, according to CBO, did not respond to its requests for information. The precise numbers remaining are therefore unknown. That uncertainty warrants caution, not certainty that supplies are plentiful. [3]
A warning also came from within the US defence establishment. On 18 September, the Congressional Research Service (CRS) described a Pentagon assessment, relayed in an inspector’s report: US ammunition consumption had caused strategic stockpile shortfalls and exposed industrial bottlenecks in replenishment. [2]
A large stockpile of bombs for offensive use does not solve a shortage of interceptors. For defence against ballistic missiles, researchers Mark Cancian and Chris Park of the CSIS think tank saw no good alternative to Patriot, THAAD and Standard Missiles. Shortages of such weapons therefore directly affect the protection the United States can continue to provide for itself and its allies. [5]
11 listed sources · explore evidence, limitations and provenance.
Sign in to give this article a thumbs up or down.
Private test discussion. Comments are readers’ views and are not yet automatically fact-checked. Editing is available for 60 seconds after posting.
Sign in with a confirmed reader account and choose a username to read comments and participate.
Sorting applies to top-level comments; replies remain oldest first. New comments and likes can change the order. Refresh for the current ranking.
Loading comments…
On 15 September, Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell gave assurances that everything was available to strike at the time and place the president would choose. The White House spoke of more than enough ammunition for all the president’s strategic objectives and beyond. Neither statement contained verifiable stockpile figures. [4]
Parnell’s assurance is not necessarily at odds with concerns about shortages. In their analysis of the situation in April, Cancian and Park concluded that, under plausible scenarios, the United States had enough missiles to continue the war against Iran. But the alternative strike weapons available in greater quantities had a shorter range, exposing the aircraft or other platforms launching them to greater danger. Large-scale use required air superiority. Being able to keep attacking therefore does not in itself tell us under what conditions, or with what risks, this must be done. [5]
For land-attack cruise missiles, CBO saw relatively fewer constraints, thanks to larger initial stockpiles. However, continued consumption could limit their future deployment too. Not every category of weapon is under the same degree of pressure. [3]
Set against this consumption is genuine industrial growth. RTX reported delivering three times as many Tomahawks in the first half of 2026 as in the same period in 2025. Lockheed Martin reported delivering 620 PAC-3 MSE interceptors in 2025, over twenty per cent more than a year earlier. These are reports of completed deliveries, not just announcements of future plans. [7] [8]
That growth deserves recognition. But the manufacturers’ figures do not specify what proportion went exclusively to replenishing US stockpiles and say nothing about the net balance after combat use and transfers. A factory can deliver substantially more while military stockpiles still fall. Growth figures for a few weapons over a few years also do not substantiate a historical record for total US ammunition production or stockpile build-up.
The duration of the new contracts shows why that distinction matters. A seven-year Tomahawk contract is intended to support an increase to more than a thousand missiles a year, for both the US Navy and allies. For PAC-3 MSE, a contract modification, also covering seven years, is intended, among other things, to enable a tripling of production capacity by the end of 2030. These are important steps, but capacity that has yet to be built is not sitting in a depot today. [7] [9]
CBO expected that restoring interceptor stockpiles would probably take at least five years, even with increased production. Scaling up can reduce the vulnerability; it does not erase the intervening years. [3]
During those years, every decision about deployment is also a decision about what remains available for the next crisis. A president does not have to publish classified stockpile figures on social media. But he must acknowledge that such trade-offs exist. The political promise that there are no limits is of no help, particularly to armed forces that may be given new missions.